A New Umbrella over the Gulf
MIDDLE EAST
Philip Morande
9/26/20253 min read


An unexpected rapprochement has just taken place—not because of the event itself, but because of how it unfolded. Riyadh and Islamabad have deepened their political-military ties to the point of hinting at a mutual defense understanding. There is no formal “Article 5” treaty à la NATO, but the deterrent message is unmistakable: an attack on one could trigger a response from both. If this alignment consolidates, it could reshape the geopolitical landscape of the region.
The pact functions, in practice, as a deterrence umbrella —including a tacit nuclear component— for Saudi Arabia. Despite its massive defense spending, the kingdom has struggled to project power convincingly, suffering not only operational setbacks but also serious international criticism for its conduct in Yemen, where documented reports have pointed to possible war crimes and deliberate attacks against civilians and refugees. Following the brief but intense Israel–Iran escalation of April 2024—widely referred to as the “12-Day War”—Riyadh appears determined to leave no strategic flank exposed. By anchoring itself to Pakistan’s military mass and strategic depth, it sends a clear message to Tehran and its regional networks: it no longer stands alone. Crucially, this understanding gives Saudi Arabia indirect access to Pakistan’s nuclear umbrella, without the financial or technological burden of developing its own arsenal and without the diplomatic pressure that would come from openly joining the nuclear club. It is a strategic move with real weight, one that places Iran in a far more uncomfortable position.
This security shift also reframes intra-Gulf competition. Over the past decade, the UAE and Qatar have built niches through regulatory agility, cultural soft power, and high-profile events—Qatar 2022 was their global stage. With a stronger sense of security, Saudi Arabia can now pursue its economic and financial opening more assertively, Dubai-style, without feeling strategically exposed.
Beyond the Gulf, Saudi Arabia’s reach is extending eastward. The emerging Arabia–Pakistan axis projects pressure on India, China, and Iran simultaneously. Pakistan, sitting astride key trade and energy corridors, gains leverage and diplomatic weight. It is shifting from a tactical actor to a potential regional pivot. In a future crisis with India, the Saudi connection would raise the cost of escalation for all involved, altering the calculus in South Asia.
Still, the notion of an “Islamic NATO” remains more rhetorical than real. The military arithmetic is sobering. Kuwait maintains limited defensive capabilities and relies on alliances. Qatar has state-of-the-art technology but lacks manpower. Bahrain is strategically irrelevant without U.S. and Saudi backing. Oman has a capable, professional military but avoids power projection. The UAE fields advanced air power and elite special forces, but its expeditionary reach remains selective. Iraq, for its part, possesses manpower but faces internal fractures that blunt its regional capacity. Together, this is a patchwork—not a bloc—pointing more toward ad hoc coalitions led by Riyadh than toward a formal military alliance.
Further east, India adds another layer of friction. The rise of Hindutva—Hindu nationalism—has reshaped domestic politics, strained relations with Muslim minorities, and hardened its posture toward Pakistan. This is less about single statements and more about a broader trend: the reassertion of a Hindu civilizational identity as the core of national politics and, increasingly, foreign policy. Meanwhile, China, largely secular but with its own tensions with Muslim minorities, observes these shifting strategic lines from the Himalayas to the Indian Ocean.
In sum, the Saudi–Pakistani understanding is not (yet) a NATO-style architecture. But it changes incentives and alignments: it further isolates Iran, gives Riyadh breathing space for its economic agenda, and elevates Islamabad as a strategic hinge between the Gulf and South Asia. Whether this leads to a new kind of civilizational confrontation remains to be seen. For now, the fault line is moving east, toward South Asia—with the West watching from the sidelines. The consequences will unfold over time, and they will merit their own column.